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| is alabama still racist: Better Than Them S. McEachin Otts, 2014-10-27 You are better than them. Don't forget it, a grandmother whispers to her grandson, S. M. Mac Otts. The year is 1965, and an eighteen-year-old boy stands curbside in his Black Belt hometown—weapon in hand—defiant before a peaceful civil rights demonstration. Violent pandemonium follows the quiet moment. For the rest of Otts's life, his grandmother's words haunt him and inspire the writing of his powerful memoir, Better Than Them: The Unmaking of an Alabama Racist. With honesty and humility, Otts uses that memorable day in 1965 as a lens through which to view the events that shaped his life. He ventures back to examine the antebellum period and to the glories, tragedies, and unspoken shame of his slave-holding ancestors, and forward again to the civil rights era. He probes into the roots of the race-related events involving his community in the 1950s and '60s, seeking understanding about the underlying issues and, especially, of what brings about change. Otts reflects on how he outgrew his racist upbringing and how he finally returned to his hometown to interview select black demonstrators and white peers. The conclusions he reaches make this a memoir about Otts's life and experiences in a racially divided world, but also about how a life is lived and celebrated and understood. |
| is alabama still racist: The Most Segregated City in America" Charles E. Connerly, 2013-07-04 One of Planetizen’s Top Ten Books of 2006 But for Birmingham, Fred Shuttleworth recalled President John F. Kennedy saying in June 1963 when he invited black leaders to meet with him, we would not be here today. Birmingham is well known for its civil rights history, particularly for the violent white-on-black bombings that occurred there in the 1960s, resulting in the city’s nickname Bombingham. What is less well known about Birmingham’s racial history, however, is the extent to which early city planning decisions influenced and prompted the city’s civil rights protests. The first book-length work to analyze this connection, The Most Segregated City in America: City Planning and Civil Rights in Birmingham, 1920–1980 uncovers the impact of Birmingham’s urban planning decisions on its black communities and reveals how these decisions led directly to the civil rights movement. Spanning over sixty years, Charles E. Connerly’s study begins in the 1920s, when Birmingham used urban planning as an excuse to implement racial zoning laws, pointedly sidestepping the 1917 U.S. Supreme Court Buchanan v. Warley decision that had struck down racial zoning. The result of this obstruction was the South’s longest-standing racial zoning law, which lasted from 1926 to 1951, when it was redeclared unconstitutional by the U.S. Supreme Court. Despite the fact that African Americans constituted at least 38 percent of Birmingham’s residents, they faced drastic limitations to their freedom to choose where to live. When in the1940s they rebelled by attempting to purchase homes in off-limit areas, their efforts were labeled as a challenge to city planning, resulting in government and court interventions that became violent. More than fifty bombings ensued between 1947 and 1966, becoming nationally publicized only in 1963, when four black girls were killed in the bombing of the Sixteenth Street Baptist Church. Connerly effectively uses Birmingham’s history as an example to argue the importance of recognizing the link that exists between city planning and civil rights. His demonstration of how Birmingham’s race-based planning legacy led to the confrontations that culminated in the city’s struggle for civil rights provides a fresh lens on the history and future of urban planning, and its relation to race. |
| is alabama still racist: Bloody Lowndes Hasan Kwame Jeffries, 2009-07 Drawing on sources ranging from government documents to personal interviews with Lowndes County residents, Hasan Kwame Jeffries tells the remarkable story of the Lowndes County freedom struggle and its contribution to the larger civil rights movement. |
| is alabama still racist: Lynyrd Skynyrd Gene Odom, Frank Dorman, 2003-10-14 The first complete, unvarnished history of Southern rock’s legendary and most popular band, from its members’ hardscrabble boyhoods in Jacksonville, Florida and their rise to worldwide fame to the tragic plane crash that killed the founder and the band’s rise again from the ashes. In the summer of 1964 Jacksonville, Florida teenager Ronnie Van Zant and some of his friends hatched the idea of forming a band to play covers of the Rolling Stones, Beatles, Yardbirds and the country and blues-rock music they had grown to love. Naming their band after Leonard Skinner, the gym teacher at Robert E. Lee Senior High School who constantly badgered the long-haired aspiring musicians to get haircuts, they were soon playing gigs at parties, and bars throughout the South. During the next decade Lynyrd Skynyrd grew into the most critically acclaimed and commercially successful of the rock bands to emerge from the South since the Allman Brothers. Their hits “Free Bird” and “Sweet Home Alabama” became classics. Then, at the height of its popularlity in 1977, the band was struck with tragedy --a plane crash that killed Ronnie Van Zant and two other band members. Lynyrd Skynyrd: Remembering the Free Birds of Southern Rock is an intimate chronicle of the band from its earliest days through the plane crash and its aftermath, to its rebirth and current status as an enduring cult favorite. From his behind-the-scenes perspective as Ronnie Van Zant’s lifelong friend and frequent member of the band’s entourage who was also aboard the plane on that fateful flight, Gene Odom reveals the unique synthesis of blues/country rock and songwriting talent, relentless drive, rebellious Southern swagger and down-to-earth sensibility that brought the band together and made it a defining and hugely popular Southern rock band -- as well as the destructive forces that tore it apart. Illustrated throughout with rare photos, Odom traces the band’s rise to fame and shares personal stories that bring to life the band’s journey. For the fans who have purchased a cumulative 35 million copies of Lynyrd Skynyrd’s albums and continue to pack concerts today, Lynyrd Skynyrd is a celebration of an immortal American band. |
| is alabama still racist: Hammer and Hoe Robin D. G. Kelley, 2015 A groundbreaking contribution to the history of the long Civil Rights movement, Hammer and Hoe tells the story of how, during the 1930s and 40s, Communists took on Alabama's repressive, racist police state to fight for economic justice, civil and political rights, and racial equality. The Alabama Communist Party was made up of working people without a Euro-American radical political tradition: devoutly religious and semiliterate black laborers and sharecroppers, and a handful of whites, including unemployed industrial workers, housewives, youth, and renegade liberals. In this book, Robin D. G. Kelley reveals how the experiences and identities of these people from Alabama's farms, factories, mines, kitchens, and city streets shaped the Party's tactics and unique political culture. The result was a remarkably resilient movement forged in a racist world that had little tolerance for radicals. After discussing the book's origins and impact in a new preface written for this twenty-fifth-anniversary edition, Kelley reflects on what a militantly antiracist, radical movement in the heart of Dixie might teach contemporary social movements confronting rampant inequality, police violence, mass incarceration, and neoliberalism. |
| is alabama still racist: The Southernization of America Frye Gaillard, Cynthia Tucker, 2022-03-15 Pulitzer Prize-winner Cynthia Tucker and award-winning author Frye Gaillard reflect in a powerful series of essays on the role of the South in America’s long descent into Trumpism. In 1974 the great Southern author John Egerton published his seminal work, The Americanization of Dixie: The Southernization of America, reflecting on the double-edged reality of the South becoming more like the rest of the country and vice versa. Tucker and Gaillard dive even deeper into that reality from the time that Egerton published his book until the present. They see the dark side—the morphing of the Southern strategy of Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan into the Republican Party of today with its thinly disguised (if indeed it is disguised at all) embrace of white supremacy and the subversion of democratic ideals. They explore the “birtherism” of Donald Trump and the roots of the racial backlash against President Obama; the specter of family separation on our southern border, with its echoes of similar separations in the era of slavery; as well as the rise of the Christian right, the demonstrations in Charlottesville, the death of George Floyd, and the attack on our nation’s capital—all of which, they argue, have roots that trace their way to the South. But Tucker and Gaillard see another side too, a legacy rooted in the civil rights years that has given us political leaders like John Lewis, Jimmy Carter, Raphael Warnock, and Stacey Abrams. The authors raise the ironic possibility that the South, regarded by some as the heart of the country’s systemic racism, might lead the way on the path to redemption. Tucker and Gaillard, colleagues and frequent collaborators at the University of South Alabama in Mobile, bring a multi-racial perspective and years of political reporting to bear on a critical moment in American history, a time of racial reckoning and of democracy under siege. |
| is alabama still racist: When the Church Bell Rang Racist Donald Edward Collins, 1998 For centuries ringing bells have signaled the welcome of the Christian church to all who would hear its gospel. At certain times and in certain places, however, prejudice has led the church to limit its welcome to its own kind. The Southern white church during the civil rights movement fell victim to racial prejudice and its bells rang a welcome only for those who supported the segregated status quo. Donald E. Collins tells the story of the Alabama-West Florida Methodist Conference and its reactions to the civil rights movement.Part memoir and part historical analysis, Collins reflects on white Methodists' struggle to come to terms with their consciences in the face of racial change and the standards of Christianity's universal gospel. With events in Alabama during the civil rights movement as backdrop, Collins tells the story of the challenge that confronted the Methodist church during those stormy years. From the Montgomery Bus Boycott in 1955-1956 to the Selma march in 1965 and beyond, this narrative describes those struggles for change against the forces of resistance. Based on Collins's own experiences and those of the more than 55 Methodist ministers that he interviewed, this moving story is told with pride, pain, sorrow, and hope. |
| is alabama still racist: The Politics of Rage Dan T. Carter, 2000-02-01 Combining biography with regional and national history, Dan T. Carter chronicles the dramatic rise and fall of George Wallace, a populist who abandoned his ideals to become a national symbol of racism, and later begged for forgiveness. In The Politics of Rage, Carter argues persuasively that the four-time Alabama governor and four-time presidential candidate helped to establish the conservative political movement that put Ronald Reagan in the White House in 1980 and gave Newt Gingrich and the Republicans control of Congress in 1994. In this second edition, Carter updates Wallace’s story with a look at the politician’s death and the nation’s reaction to it and gives a summary of his own sense of the legacy of “the most important loser in twentieth-century American politics.” |
| is alabama still racist: Letter from Birmingham Jail MARTIN LUTHER KING JR., Martin Luther King, 2018 This landmark missive from one of the greatest activists in history calls for direct, non-violent resistance in the fight against racism, and reflects on the healing power of love. |
| is alabama still racist: The Disfranchisement Myth Glenn Feldman, 2004 This study challenges decades of scholarship on an ever-topical but misunderstood impulse behind disfranchisement in America: racism. Drawing on court documents, voting statistics, civil rights and labor records, and many other sources, Feldman shows that the racist appeals of Alabama's white planters, industrialists, and other conservatives motivated poor whites in far greater numbers and for more-complex reasons than received knowledge concedes. The seemingly natural allies of blacks, poor whites constituted most of the white opposition to disfranchisement, says Feldman. Yet the number of poor whites who backed the new constitution was greater. Ultimately, many would be disfranchised by the very measures they had believed were aimed only at blacks. In that sense, says Feldman, poor whites were more parties to their own demise than the mere victims of circumstance. |
| is alabama still racist: Sundown Towns James Loewen, 2005-09-29 “Don't let the sun go down on you in this town.” We equate these words with the Jim Crow South but, in a sweeping analysis of American residential patterns, award-winning and bestselling author James W. Loewen demonstrates that strict racial exclusion was the norm in American towns and villages from sea to shining sea for much of the twentieth century. Weaving history, personal narrative, and hard-nosed analysis, Loewen shows that the sundown town was—and is—an American institution with a powerful and disturbing history of its own, told here for the first time. In Michigan, Indiana, Ohio, Illinois, Missouri, Pennsylvania, and elsewhere, sundown towns were created in waves of violence in the early decades of the twentieth century, and then maintained well into the contemporary era. Sundown Towns redraws the map of race relations, extending the lines of racial oppression through the backyard of millions of Americans—and lobbing an intellectual hand grenade into the debates over race and racism today. |
| is alabama still racist: Red, Black, White Mary Stanton, 2019-11-15 Red, Black, White is the first narrative history of the American communist movement in the South since Robin D. G. Kelley's groundbreaking Hammer and Hoe and the first to explore its key figures and actions beyond the 1930s. Written from the perspective of the district 17 (CPUSA) Reds who worked primarily in Alabama, it acquaints a new generation with the impact of the Great Depression on postwar black and white, young and old, urban and rural Americans. After the Scottsboro story broke on March 25, 1931, it was open season for old-fashioned lynchings, legal (courtroom) lynchings, and mob murder. In Alabama alone, twenty black men were known to have been murdered, and countless others, women included, were beaten, disabled, jailed, “disappeared,” or had their lives otherwise ruined between March 1931 and September 1935. In this collective biography, Mary Stanton—a noted chronicler of the left and of social justice movements in the South—explores the resources available to Depression-era Reds before the advent of the New Deal or the modern civil rights movement. What emerges from this narrative is a meaningful criterion by which to evaluate the Reds’ accomplishments. Through seven cases of the CPUSA (district 17) activity in the South, Stanton covers tortured notions of loyalty and betrayal, the cult of white southern womanhood, Christianity in all its iterations, and the scapegoating of African Americans, Jews, and communists. Yet this still is a story of how these groups fought back, and fought together, for social justice and change in a fractured region. |
| is alabama still racist: Shaking the Gates of Hell John Archibald, 2021-03-09 On growing up in the American South of the 1960s—an all-American white boy—son of a long line of Methodist preachers, in the midst of the civil rights revolution, and discovering the culpability of silence within the church. By the Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist and columnist for The Birmingham News. My dad was a Methodist preacher and his dad was a Methodist preacher, writes John Archibald. It goes all the way back on both sides of my family. When I am at my best, I think it comes from that sermon place. Everything Archibald knows and believes about life is refracted through the stained glass of the Southern church. It had everything to do with people. And fairness. And compassion. In Shaking the Gates of Hell, Archibald asks: Can a good person remain silent in the face of discrimination and horror, and still be a good person? Archibald had seen his father, the Rev. Robert L. Archibald, Jr., the son and grandson of Methodist preachers, as a moral authority, a moderate and a moderating force during the racial turbulence of the '60s, a loving and dependable parent, a forgiving and attentive minister, a man many Alabamians came to see as a saint. But was that enough? Even though Archibald grew up in Alabama in the heart of the civil rights movement, he could recall few words about racial rights or wrongs from his father's pulpit at a time the South seethed, and this began to haunt him. In this moving and powerful book, Archibald writes of his complex search, and of the conspiracy of silence his father faced in the South, in the Methodist Church and in the greater Christian church. Those who spoke too loudly were punished, or banished, or worse. Archibald's father was warned to guard his words on issues of race to protect his family, and he did. He spoke to his flock in the safety of parable, and trusted in the goodness of others, even when they earned none of it, rising through the ranks of the Methodist Church, and teaching his family lessons in kindness and humanity, and devotion to nature and the Earth. Archibald writes of this difficult, at times uncomfortable, reckoning with his past in this unadorned, affecting book of growth and evolution. |
| is alabama still racist: Bonhoeffer's Black Jesus Reggie L. Williams, 2014 This ethic of resistance not only indicted the church of the German Volk, but continues to shape the nature of Christian discipleship today.--Courtney H. Davis, St. Bernard's School of Theology and Ministry Journal of the Society of Christian Ethics |
| is alabama still racist: A Right to Read Patterson Toby Graham, 2002-04-11 A Right to Read is the first book to examine public library segregation from its origins in the late 19th century through its end during the tumultuous years of the 1960s civil rights movement. Graham focuses on Alabama, where African Americans, denied access to white libraries, worked to establish and maintain their own Negro branches. These libraries - separate but never equal - were always underfunded and inadequately prepared to meet the needs of their constituencies.--BOOK JACKET. |
| is alabama still racist: Raised Up Down Yonder Angela McMillan Howell, 2013-11-01 Raised Up Down Yonder attempts to shift focus away from why black youth are problematic to explore what their daily lives actually entail. Howell travels to the small community of Hamilton, Alabama, to investigate what it is like for a young black person to grow up in the contemporary rural South. What she finds is that the young people of Hamilton are neither idly passing their time in a stereotypically languid setting nor are they being corrupted by hip-hop culture and the perils of the urban North, as many pundits suggest. Rather, they are dynamic and diverse young people making their way through the structures that define the twenty-first-century South. Told through the poignant stories of several high school students, Raised Up Down Yonder reveals a group that is often rendered invisible in society. Blended families, football sagas, crunk music, expanding social networks, and a nearby segregated prom are just a few of the fascinating juxtapositions. |
| is alabama still racist: The Rabbits' Wedding Garth Williams, 1958-04-30 ‘Truly exquisite large pictures tell a sweet story of two little rabbits who lived ‘happily ever after’ in the friendly forest.’ —CS. ‘Will delight the youngest ones. . . . Of unusual beauty.’ —SLJ. |
| is alabama still racist: Negro Education in Alabama Horace Mann Bond, 1994-05-30 Horace Mann Bond was an early twentieth century scholar and a college administrator who focused on higher education for African Americans. His Negro Education in Alabama won Brown University’s Susan Colver Rosenberger Book Prize in 1937 and was praised as a landmark by W. E. B. Dubois in American Historical Review and by scholars in journals such as Journal of Negro Education and the Journal of Southern History. A seminal and wide-ranging work that encompasses not only contemporary education but a keen analysis of the African American experience of Reconstruction and the following decades, Negro Education in Alabama illuminates the social and educational conditions of its period. Observers of contemporary education can quickly perceive in Bond’s account the roots of many of today’s educational challenges. |
| is alabama still racist: The Sum of Us Heather McGhee, 2021-03-26 LONGLISTED FOR THE NATIONAL BOOK AWARD 'With intelligence and care (as well as with a trove of sometimes heartbreaking and sometimes heart-opening true stories) Heather McGhee shows us what racism has cost all of us' - Elizabeth Gilbert Picked for the Financial Times Summer Books by Gillian Tett What would make a society drain its public swimming baths and fill them with concrete rather than opening them to everyone? Economics researcher Heather McGhee sets out across America to learn why white voters so often act against their own interests. Why do they block changes that would help them, and even destroy their own advantages, whenever people of colour also stand to benefit? Their tragedy is that they believe they can't win unless somebody else loses. But this is a lie. McGhee marshals overwhelming economic evidence, and a profound well of empathy, to reveal the surprising truth: even racists lose out under white supremacy. And US racism is everybody's problem. As McGhee shows, it was bigoted lending policies that laid the ground for the 2008 financial crisis. There can be little prospect of tackling global climate change until America's zero-sum delusions are defeated. The Sum of Us offers a priceless insight into the workings of prejudice, and a timely invitation to solidarity among all humans, 'to piece together a new story of who we could be to one another'. |
| is alabama still racist: Black Campus Life ANTAR A TICHAVAKUNDA, 2022-09 |
| is alabama still racist: Opening the Doors B. J. Hollars, 2013-03-14 Opening the Doors is a wide-ranging account of the University of Alabama’s 1956 and 1963 desegregation attempts, as well as the little-known story of Tuscaloosa, Alabama’s, own civil rights movement. Whereas E. Culpepper Clark’s The Schoolhouse Door remains the standard history of the University of Alabama’s desegregation, in Opening the Doors B. J. Hollars focuses on Tuscaloosa’s purposeful divide between “town” and “gown,” providing a new contextual framework for this landmark period in civil rights history. The image of George Wallace’s stand in the schoolhouse door has long burned in American consciousness; however, just as interesting are the circumstances that led him there in the first place, a process that proved successful due to the concerted efforts of dedicated student leaders, a progressive university president, a steadfast administration, and secret negotiations between the U.S. Justice Department, the White House, and Alabama’s stubborn governor. In the months directly following Governor Wallace’s infamous stand, Tuscaloosa became home to a leader of a very different kind: twenty-eight-year-old African American reverend T. Y. Rogers, an up-and-comer in the civil rights movement, as well as the protégé of Martin Luther King Jr. After taking a post at Tuscaloosa’s First African Baptist Church, Rogers began laying the groundwork for the city’s own civil rights movement. In the summer of 1964, the struggle for equality in Tuscaloosa resulted in the integration of the city’s public facilities, a march on the county courthouse, a bloody battle between police and protesters, confrontations with the Grand Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan, a bus boycott, and the near-accidental-lynching of movie star Jack Palance. Relying heavily on new firsthand accounts and personal interviews, newspapers, previously classified documents, and archival research, Hollars’s in-depth reporting reveals the courage and conviction of a town, its university, and the people who call it home. |
| is alabama still racist: The Negro Motorist Green Book Victor H. Green, The Negro Motorist Green Book was a groundbreaking guide that provided African American travelers with crucial information on safe places to stay, eat, and visit during the era of segregation in the United States. This essential resource, originally published from 1936 to 1966, offered a lifeline to black motorists navigating a deeply divided nation, helping them avoid the dangers and indignities of racism on the road. More than just a travel guide, The Negro Motorist Green Book stands as a powerful symbol of resilience and resistance in the face of oppression, offering a poignant glimpse into the challenges and triumphs of the African American experience in the 20th century. |
| is alabama still racist: White Racism Joe R. Feagin, Hernan Vera, Pinar Batur, 2020-07-24 This book incorporates a range of new material on racist events and incidents across the United States. It includes a few new concepts and some of the original concepts about individual and institutionalized racism in the United States. |
| is alabama still racist: Inside Alabama Harvey H. Jackson, 2003 An insider's perspective in a conversational, yet unapologetic style on the events and conditions that shaped modern-day Alabama. |
| is alabama still racist: The Sun Does Shine Anthony Ray Hinton, Lara Love Hardin, 2018-03-27 A powerful, revealing story of hope, love, justice, and the power of reading by a man who spent thirty years on death row for a crime he didn't commit-- |
| is alabama still racist: Racial Terrorism Marouf A. Hasian Jr., Nicholas S. Paliewicz, 2020-12-28 In December 2018, the United States Senate unanimously passed the nation’s first antilynching act, the Justice for Victims of Lynching Act. For the first time in US history, legislators, representing the American people, classified lynching as a federal hate crime. While lynching histories and memories have received attention among communication scholars and some interdisciplinary studies of traditional civil rights memorials exist, contemporary studies often fail to examine the politicized nature of the spaces. This volume represents the first investigation of the National Memorial for Peace and Justice and the Legacy Museum, both of which strategically make clear the various links between America’s history of racial terror and contemporary mass incarceration conditions, the mistreatment of juveniles, and capital punishment. Racial Terrorism: A Rhetorical Investigation of Lynching focuses on several key social agents and organizations that played vital roles in the public and legal consciousness raising that finally led to the passage of the act. Marouf A. Hasian Jr. and Nicholas S. Paliewicz argue that the advocacy of attorney Bryan Stevenson, the work of the Equal Justice Initiative (EJI), and the efforts of curators at Montgomery’s new Legacy Museum all contributed to the formation of a rhetorical culture that set the stage at last for this hallmark lynching legislation. The authors examine how the EJI uses spaces of remembrance to confront audiences with race-conscious messages and measure to what extent those messages are successful. |
| is alabama still racist: The Schoolhouse Door E. Culpepper Clark, 1995 An account of the events surrounding court-ordered desegregation which focuses on the historic stand of Governor George Wallace in the school doorway, the death of Civil Rights leader Medgar Evers, and President Kennedy's policies which changed the Democratic Party for thirty years. |
| is alabama still racist: Slavery by Another Name Douglas A. Blackmon, 2012-10-04 A Pulitzer Prize-winning history of the mistreatment of black Americans. In this 'precise and eloquent work' - as described in its Pulitzer Prize citation - Douglas A. Blackmon brings to light one of the most shameful chapters in American history - an 'Age of Neoslavery' that thrived in the aftermath of the Civil War through the dawn of World War II. Using a vast record of original documents and personal narratives, Blackmon unearths the lost stories of slaves and their descendants who journeyed into freedom after the Emancipation Proclamation and then back into the shadow of involuntary servitude thereafter. By turns moving, sobering and shocking, this unprecedented account reveals these stories, the companies that profited the most from neoslavery, and the insidious legacy of racism that reverberates today. |
| is alabama still racist: Then the Whisper Put On Flesh Prof. Brian K. Blount, 2001-11-01 Devastating circumstances still enslave most African Americans in American society today, especially in urban environments. They struggle with economic devastation, family disintegration, black-on-black crime, unemployment, political and social injustice, as well as the structural racism that fuels all of these. In the midst of this horrible din, there is a whisper from the Lord, a faith statement upon which there can be established an ethic of transformation for an oppressed African American Christian community. The whispers of faith, hope, and ethical direction that flow out of the New Testament materials have always taken their fleshly shape in light of the context in which African Americans have found themselves. Blount studies selected New Testament texts and evaluates them in light of their first-century contexts, primarily from a socio-linguistic perspective, and then reads them through the eyes of the contemporary African American Christian. This study analyzes the differences between the first century context, which prompted the biblical writers to reflect ethically upon their faith statements as they did, and the present reality of African Americans in the United States, which motivates their Christian leaders to reflect upon these same statements in such radically different ways. An example of a twentieth-century ethical situation is Martin Luther King, Jr.'s campaign of civil disobedience which appeared to be in direct contradiction to the ethical prescriptions in Romans 113 and 1 Peter 2:13-17, which mandate unqualified Christian obedience of government. Blount urges African American Christians to continually reevaluate the ethical principles established for first-century biblical communities in light of the novel circumstances that prevail today. In so doing, African Americans will be giving flesh to the inspirational whisper of the New Testament. |
| is alabama still racist: Why the Vote Wasn't Enough for Selma Karlyn Forner, 2017-10-19 In Why the Vote Wasn't Enough for Selma Karlyn Forner rewrites the heralded story of Selma to explain why gaining the right to vote did not bring about economic justice for African Americans in the Alabama Black Belt. Drawing on a rich array of sources, Forner illustrates how voting rights failed to offset decades of systematic disfranchisement and unequal investment in African American communities. Forner contextualizes Selma as a place, not a moment within the civil rights movement —a place where black citizens' fight for full citizenship unfolded alongside an agricultural shift from cotton farming to cattle raising, the implementation of federal divestment policies, and economic globalization. At the end of the twentieth century, Selma's celebrated political legacy looked worlds apart from the dismal economic realities of the region. Forner demonstrates that voting rights are only part of the story in the black freedom struggle and that economic justice is central to achieving full citizenship. |
| is alabama still racist: White Fright Jane Dailey, 2020-11-17 A major new history of the fight for racial equality in America, arguing that fear of black sexuality has undergirded white supremacy from the start. In White Fright, historian Jane Dailey brilliantly reframes our understanding of the long struggle for African American rights. Those fighting against equality were not motivated only by a sense of innate superiority, as is often supposed, but also by an intense fear of black sexuality. In this urgent investigation, Dailey examines how white anxiety about interracial sex and marriage found expression in some of the most contentious episodes of American history since Reconstruction: in battles over lynching, in the policing of black troops' behavior overseas during World War II, in the violent outbursts following the Supreme Court's decision in Brown v. Board of Education, and in the tragic story of Emmett Till. The question was finally settled -- as a legal matter -- with the Court's definitive 1967 decision in Loving v. Virginia, which declared interracial marriage a fundamental freedom. Placing sex at the center of our civil rights history, White Fright offers a bold new take on one of the most confounding threads running through American history. |
| is alabama still racist: Go Set a Watchman Harper Lee, 2015-07-14 #1 New York Times Bestseller “Go Set a Watchman is such an important book, perhaps the most important novel on race to come out of the white South in decades. — New York Times A landmark novel by Harper Lee, set two decades after her beloved Pulitzer Prize–winning masterpiece, To Kill a Mockingbird. Twenty-six-year-old Jean Louise Finch—“Scout”—returns home to Maycomb, Alabama from New York City to visit her aging father, Atticus. Set against the backdrop of the civil rights tensions and political turmoil that were transforming the South, Jean Louise’s homecoming turns bittersweet when she learns disturbing truths about her close-knit family, the town, and the people dearest to her. Memories from her childhood flood back, and her values and assumptions are thrown into doubt. Featuring many of the iconic characters from To Kill a Mockingbird, Go Set a Watchman perfectly captures a young woman, and a world, in painful yet necessary transition out of the illusions of the past—a journey that can only be guided by one’s own conscience. Written in the mid-1950s, Go Set a Watchman imparts a fuller, richer understanding and appreciation of the late Harper Lee. Here is an unforgettable novel of wisdom, humanity, passion, humor, and effortless precision—a profoundly affecting work of art that is both wonderfully evocative of another era and relevant to our own times. It not only confirms the enduring brilliance of To Kill a Mockingbird, but also serves as its essential companion, adding depth, context, and new meaning to an American classic. |
| is alabama still racist: Electoral Patterns in Alabama Regina L. Wagner, 2022-08-26 While significant attention in political science is devoted to national level elections, a comprehensive look at state level political dynamics in the United States is so far sorely missing, and state level electoral developments and shifts are treated as mere reflections of national-level dynamics and patterns. This book argues that this significantly impacts our ability to understand macro-level electoral shifts in the United States in general. The book analyzes gubernatorial, congressional, and presidential election results in the state of Alabama from 1945 through 2020. Comprehensive maps of county-level partisan shifts over time and comparisons between trends for different offices make it possible to isolate pivotal elections and compare state-level and national trends over time. When and where did Alabama’s electorate break with the Democratic Party, and were these breaks uniform across the state? Which counties shifted the most over time, and was this shift gradual or characterized by change elections? Comprehensive electoral data, on the county- and precinct-level, make it possible to answer these questions and place state-level electoral behavior in its regional and national context. Detailed county level demographic and economic data is used to provide local context for electoral patterns, shifts, and continuities. |
| is alabama still racist: Alabama William Warren Rogers, 1994 The history of a Deep South state. |
| is alabama still racist: Labor-Management Irregularities United States. Congress. House. Education and Labor, 1961 |
| is alabama still racist: The South's New Racial Politics Glen Browder, 2009-10-01 The South’s New Racial Politics presents an original thesis about how blacks and whites in today’s South engage in a politics that is qualitatively different from the past. Glen Browder—as practitioner and scholar—argues that politicians of the two races now practice an open, sophisticated, biracial game that, arguably, means progress; but it also can bring out old-fashioned, cynical, and racist Southern ways. The lesson to be learned from this interpretative analysis is that the Southern political system, while still constrained by racial problems, is more functional than ever before. Southerners perhaps can now move forward in dealing with their legacy of hard history. |
| is alabama still racist: Labor-management Irregularities: Investigation of Discrimination in Employment and Irregularities in the Field of Labor-management Relations United States. Congress. House. Committee on Education and Labor, 1961 |
| is alabama still racist: Taming Alabama Paul McWhorter Pruitt (Jr.), 2010-07-20 Taming Alabama focuses on persons and groups who sought to bring about reforms in the political, legal, and social worlds of Alabama. Most of the subjects of these essays accepted the fundamental values of nineteenth and early twentieth century white southern society; and all believed, or came to believe, in the transforming power of law. As a starting point in creating the groundwork of genuine civility and progress in the state, these reformers insisted on equal treatment and due process in elections, allocation of resources, and legal proceedings. To an educator like Julia Tutwiler or a clergyman like James F. Smith, due process was a question of simple fairness or Christian principle. To lawyers like Benjamin F. Porter, Thomas Goode Jones, or Henry D. Clayton, devotion to due process was part of the true religion of the common law. To a former Populist radical like Joseph C. Manning, due process and a free ballot were requisites for the transformation of society. |
| is alabama still racist: Multicultural America Carlos E. Cortés, 2013-08-15 This comprehensive title is among the first to extensively use newly released 2010 U.S. Census data to examine multiculturalism today and tomorrow in America. This distinction is important considering the following NPR report by Eyder Peralta: “Based on the first national numbers released by the Census Bureau, the AP reports that minorities account for 90 percent of the total U.S. growth since 2000, due to immigration and higher birth rates for Latinos.” According to John Logan, a Brown University sociologist who has analyzed most of the census figures, “The futures of most metropolitan areas in the country are contingent on how attractive they are to Hispanic and Asian populations.” Both non-Hispanic whites and blacks are getting older as a group. “These groups are tending to fade out,” he added. Another demographer, William H. Frey with the Brookings Institution, told The Washington Post that this has been a pivotal decade. “We’re pivoting from a white-black-dominated American population to one that is multiracial and multicultural.” Multicultural America: A Multimedia Encyclopedia explores this pivotal moment and its ramifications with more than 900 signed entries not just providing a compilation of specific ethnic groups and their histories but also covering the full spectrum of issues flowing from the increasingly multicultural canvas that is America today. Pedagogical elements include an introduction, a thematic reader’s guide, a chronology of multicultural milestones, a glossary, a resource guide to key books, journals, and Internet sites, and an appendix of 2010 U.S. Census Data. Finally, the electronic version will be the only reference work on this topic to augment written entries with multimedia for today’s students, with 100 videos (with transcripts) from Getty Images and Video Vault, the Agence France Press, and Sky News, as reviewed by the media librarian of the Rutgers University Libraries, working in concert with the title’s editors. |
| is alabama still racist: Politics, Society, and the Klan in Alabama, 1915-1949 Glenn Feldman, 1999-09-24 This first book-length examination of the Klan in Alabama represents exhaustive research that challenges traditional interpretations. The Ku Klux Klan has wielded considerable power both as a terrorist group and as a political force. Usually viewed as appearing in distinct incarnations, the Klans of the 20th century are now shown by Glenn Feldman to have a greater degree of continuity than has been previously suspected. Victims of Klan terrorism continued to be aliens, foreigners, or outsiders in Alabama: the freed slave during Reconstruction, the 1920s Catholic or Jew, the 1930s labor organizer or Communist, and the returning black veteran of World War II were all considered a threat to the dominant white culture. Feldman offers new insights into this qualified continuity among Klans of different eras, showing that the group remained active during the 1930s and 1940s when it was presumed dormant, with elements of the Reconstruction syndrome carrying over to the smaller Klan of the civil rights era. In addition, Feldman takes a critical look at opposition to Klan activities by southern elites. He particularly shows how opponents during the Great Depression and war years saw the Klan as an impediment to attracting outside capital and federal relief or as a magnet for federal action that would jeopardize traditional forms of racial and social control. Other critics voiced concerns about negative national publicity, and others deplored the violence and terrorism. This in-depth examination of the Klan in a single state, which features rare photographs, provides a means of understanding the order's development throughout the South. Feldman's book represents definitive research into the history of the Klan and makes a major contribution to our understanding of both that organization and the history of Alabama. |
Mobile, Alabama - City-Data.com
Mobile-area historical tornado activity is below Alabama state average. It is 30% greater than the overall U.S. average. On 4/18/1950, a category F3 (max. wind speeds 158-206 mph) tornado …
Theodore, Alabama (AL 36590) profile: population, maps, real …
Theodore-area historical tornado activity is below Alabama state average. It is 23% greater than the overall U.S. average. On 4/18/1950, a category F3 (max. wind speeds 158-206 mph) …
Crime rate in Montgomery, Alabama (AL): murders, rapes, …
According to our research of Alabama and other state lists, there were 496 registered sex offenders living in Montgomery, Alabama as of June 13, 2025. The ratio of all residents to sex …
Crime rate in Birmingham, Alabama (AL): murders, rapes, robberies ...
According to our research of Alabama and other state lists, there were 719 registered sex offenders living in Birmingham, Alabama as of June 10, 2025. The ratio of all residents to sex …
Sylacauga, Alabama (AL 35149) profile: population, maps, real …
Sylacauga-area historical tornado activity is near Alabama state average. It is 105% greater than the overall U.S. average. On 1/24/1964, a category F4 (max. wind speeds 207-260 mph) …
36117 Zip Code (Montgomery, Alabama) Profile - homes, …
According to our research of Alabama and other state lists, there were 89 registered sex offenders living in 36117 zip code as of June 13, 2025. The ratio of all residents to sex offenders in zip …
Crime in Alabama (AL) - City-Data.com
Crime in Alabama (AL): murders, rapes, robberies, assaults, burglaries, thefts, auto thefts, arson; law enforcement employees, police officers; crime map
Madison, Alabama (AL 35758) profile: population, maps, real estate ...
Madison-area historical tornado activity is slightly above Alabama state average. It is 147% greater than the overall U.S. average. On 4/3/1974 , a category F5 ( max. wind speeds 261-318 …
Alabama Bigger Cities (over 6000 residents) - Real Estate, Housing ...
Map of Radon Zones in Alabama based on Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) data More Alabama directories: Cities, towns, and villages in Alabama between 1000 and 6000 residents ; …
Guntersville, Alabama - City-Data.com
Guntersville-area historical tornado activity is slightly above Alabama state average. It is 161% greater than the overall U.S. average. On 11/18/1957 , a category F4 ( max. wind speeds 207 …
Mobile, Alabama - City-Data.com
Mobile-area historical tornado activity is below Alabama state average. It is 30% greater than the overall U.S. average. On 4/18/1950, a category F3 (max. wind speeds 158-206 mph) tornado …
Theodore, Alabama (AL 36590) profile: population, maps, real …
Theodore-area historical tornado activity is below Alabama state average. It is 23% greater than the overall U.S. average. On 4/18/1950, a category F3 (max. wind speeds 158-206 mph) …
Crime rate in Montgomery, Alabama (AL): murders, rapes, …
According to our research of Alabama and other state lists, there were 496 registered sex offenders living in Montgomery, Alabama as of June 13, 2025. The ratio of all residents to sex …
Crime rate in Birmingham, Alabama (AL): murders, rapes, robberies ...
According to our research of Alabama and other state lists, there were 719 registered sex offenders living in Birmingham, Alabama as of June 10, 2025. The ratio of all residents to sex …
Sylacauga, Alabama (AL 35149) profile: population, maps, real …
Sylacauga-area historical tornado activity is near Alabama state average. It is 105% greater than the overall U.S. average. On 1/24/1964, a category F4 (max. wind speeds 207-260 mph) …
36117 Zip Code (Montgomery, Alabama) Profile - homes, …
According to our research of Alabama and other state lists, there were 89 registered sex offenders living in 36117 zip code as of June 13, 2025. The ratio of all residents to sex offenders in zip …
Crime in Alabama (AL) - City-Data.com
Crime in Alabama (AL): murders, rapes, robberies, assaults, burglaries, thefts, auto thefts, arson; law enforcement employees, police officers; crime map
Madison, Alabama (AL 35758) profile: population, maps, real estate ...
Madison-area historical tornado activity is slightly above Alabama state average. It is 147% greater than the overall U.S. average. On 4/3/1974 , a category F5 ( max. wind speeds 261 …
Alabama Bigger Cities (over 6000 residents) - Real Estate, Housing ...
Map of Radon Zones in Alabama based on Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) data More Alabama directories: Cities, towns, and villages in Alabama between 1000 and 6000 residents …
Guntersville, Alabama - City-Data.com
Guntersville-area historical tornado activity is slightly above Alabama state average. It is 161% greater than the overall U.S. average. On 11/18/1957 , a category F4 ( max. wind speeds 207 …
