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| classics of american political and constitutional thought: Classics of American Political and Constitutional Thought Scott J. Hammond, Kevin R. Hardwick, Howard Leslie Lubert, 2007 This two volume set is a comprehensive collection of primary source readings in American political theory and constitutional thought. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: Classics of American Political and Constitutional Thought Scott J. Hammond, Kevin R. Hardwick, Howard Leslie Lubert, 2007 This two volume set is a comprehensive collection of primary source readings in American political theory and constitutional thought. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: Classics of American Political and Constitutional Thought, Volume 1 Scott J. Hammond, Kevin R. Hardwick, Howard Lubert, 2017-03-15 Volume 1 of a 2-volume set. Volume 1 covers origins through the Civil War. Volume 2 covers reconstruction to the present. Together the two-volume set offers an unparalleled selection of key texts from the history of American political and constitutional thought. North American rights only. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: Classics of American Political and Constitutional Thought: Reconstruction to the present Scott J. Hammond, Kevin R. Hardwick, Howard Leslie Lubert, 2007 From the 'Third Charter of Virginia' (1611) to George W Bush's 'Second Inaugural Address' (2005), this work offers a selection of key texts designed for use in undergraduate courses on American political and constitutional thought. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: History of American Political Thought Raymond Garfield Gettell, 1946 |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: Classics of American Political and Constitutional Thought: Origins through the Civil War Scott J. Hammond, Kevin R. Hardwick, Howard Leslie Lubert, 2007 From James I's Address Before Parliament (1610) to Joseph R. Biden, Jr.'s Learned Hand Dinner Address Before the American Jewish Committee (2005), this two-volume set offers an unparalleled selection of key texts from the history of American political and constitutional thought. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: Liberal Democracy and Political Science James W. Ceaser, 1992-09-01 Do political scientists in a liberal democracy bear a special responsibility that goes beyond their academic pursuits? Ceaser, a scholar of American political parties, argues that they do, and he challenges colleagues and students to reexamine what they do as political scientists. He observes that liberal democracy is a compound of two elements not easily wed: constitutionalism and republicanism. The role of political science is to perform the superintendent function of keeping these parts together. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: American Political Thought Keith E. Whittington, 2016 American Political Thought: Readings and Materials presents a diverse collection of writings, speeches, judicial opinions, and other political documents, offering an introduction to the controversies and disputes that have mobilized Americans since the first settlements in North America. Ranging from the Colonial era to the present day-and featuring both traditional readings and lesser-known documents-this reader takes a historical approach that helps students see how political, economic, and social conditions led to the development of specific political ideas. Each chapter includes a substantial introduction and each reading is enriched by headnotes and discussion questions. Visit the Companion Website at http: //global.oup.com/us/companion.websites/9780199338863/ for additional readings and materials. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: Clashing Worldviews in the U.S. Supreme Court James Davids, Erik Gustafson, Sherena Arrington, 2021-10-19 Contrasting two Protestant justices who hold distinctively different worldviews, Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist and Justice Harry A. Blackmun, this book explores how each came to hold his worldview, how each applied it in Supreme Court rulings, and how it led them to differing outcomes for liberty, equality, and justice. This clash of worldviews between Rehnquist, whose religious and philosophical influences were anchored in the Reformation, and Blackmun, whose Reformation theology was modified by Enlightenment philosophy, provide the context to examine the true nature of justice, liberty, and equality and to consider how such ideals can be maintained in a society with increasingly divergent worldviews. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: Natural Rights Individualism and Progressivism in American Political Philosophy: Volume 29, Part 2 Ellen Frankel Paul, Fred D. Miller (Jr.), Jeffrey Paul, 2012-08-27 In 1776, the American Declaration of Independence appealed to the Laws of nature and of Nature's God and affirmed these Truths to be self-evident, that all Men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness . . . . In 1935, John Dewey, professor of philosophy at Columbia University, declared, Natural rights and natural liberties exist only in the kingdom of mythological social zoology. These opposing pronouncements on natural rights represent two separate and antithetical American political traditions: natural rights individualism, the original Lockean tradition of the Founding; and Progressivism, the collectivist reaction to individualism which arose initially in the newly established universities in the decades following the Civil War-- |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: From a "Race of Masters" to a "Master Race": 1948 to 1848 A.E. Samaan, 2020-11-09 Nazism remains an enigma. Historians do not know whether to slot Nazism as a phenomenon of the political “right” or “left,” largely because of a misunderstanding of how central eugenics was to the regime. Eugenics, or “racial hygiene,” was at the core of National Socialism’s domestic policy, foreign policy, culture wars, and even Hitler’s obsession with cars, highways, and city planning. Thus, no coherent understanding of the regime is possible without first grasping the nature of eugenics. Eugenics did not originate with Nazi Germany. It was the culmination of a worldwide movement that was widely accepted by the global scientific and academic community. This book traces the origins of the Nazi eugenics state, working backward down the timeline, tracing from leaf down to the root. We investigate this 100-year trajectory from its beginnings in British and American Academia, delving into the conveniently forgotten inner-workings of a scientific era, uncovering previously unpublished manuscripts, professional correspondence, and conveniently forgotten publications. With the centenary of The Holocaust looming, uprooting the web of professional connections that engendered this movement is in order. The seeds of Holocaust denial take root and prosper with misinformation. Clarity and transparency are imperative, as they leave no room for denial theories that would deprive the victims of justice, or rob the living of a future. FOR MORE INFORMATION ON THE EUGENICS ANTHOLOGY BOOK SERIES, PLEASE VISIT: https://EugenicsAnthology.com FOR MORE INFORMATION ON THIS SPECIFIC VOLUME, PLEASE VISIT: https://RaceOfMasters.com NOTE: A preliminary version of this book was circulated amongst academic circles and other interested parties as an Advanced Readers Copy (A.R.C.) in 2015. This version is a part the Eugenics Anthology seven-book series that is currently being completed by A.E. Samaan. Hardbound versions of the books will not be released until the series is complete, and all the puzzle pieces in place. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: The Second Creation Jonathan Gienapp, 2018-10-09 Americans widely believe that the U.S. Constitution was almost wholly created when it was drafted in 1787 and ratified in 1788. Jonathan Gienapp recovers the unknown story of the Constitution’s second creation in the decade after its adoption—a story with explosive implications for current debates over constitutional originalism and interpretation. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: Recapturing the Oval Office Brian Balogh, Bruce J. Schulman, 2015-11-06 Several generations of historians figuratively abandoned the Oval Office as the bastion of out-of-fashion stories of great men. And now, decades later, the historical analysis of the American presidency remains on the outskirts of historical scholarship, even as policy and political history have rebounded within the academy. In Recapturing the Oval Office, leading historians and social scientists forge an agenda for returning the study of the presidency to the mainstream practice of history and they chart how the study of the presidency can be integrated into historical narratives that combine rich analyses of political, social, and cultural history. The authors demonstrate how bringing the presidency back in can deepen understanding of crucial questions regarding race relations, religion, and political economy. The contributors illuminate the conditions that have both empowered and limited past presidents, and thus show how social, cultural, and political contexts matter. By making the history of the presidency a serious part of the scholarly agenda in the future, historians have the opportunity to influence debates about the proper role of the president today. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: Understanding the Founding Alan Gibson, 2010-09-07 The first edition of Alan Gibson's Understanding the Founding is widely regarded as an invaluable guide to the last century's key debates surrounding America's founding. This new edition retains all of the strengths of the original while adding a substantial new section addressing a major but previously unaddressed issue and also significantly revising Gibson's invaluable conclusion and bibliography. In the original edition, which was built upon his previous work in Interpreting the Founding, Gibson addressed four key questions: Were the Framers motivated by their economic interests? How democratic was the Framers' Constitution? Should we interpret the Founding using philosophical or strictly historical approaches? What traditions of political thought were most important to the Framers? He focused especially on the preconceptions that scholars brought to these questions, explored the deepest sources of scholars' disagreements over them, and suggested new and thoughtful lines of interpretation and inquiry. His incisive analysis brought clarity to the complex and sprawling debates and shed new light on the institutional and intellectual foundations of the American political system. Gibson has now added a path-breaking new chapter entitled How Could They Have Done That? Founding Scholarship and the Question of Moral Responsibility, which reprises and critiques on of the most important and vexing contemporary debates on the American founding. The new chapter focuses on how the men who fought a revolution in the name of liberty and declared to the world that all men are created equal could have supported the institution of slavery and even owned slaves themselves, accepted the legal and social subordination of women, and been responsible for Indian removal and genocide against Native Americans. Efforts to criticize or defend the Founders on these issues now constitute a daunting body of scholarship addressing what David Brion Davis has called the dilemmas of slaveholding revolutionaries. Gibson's astute and fair-minded analysis of this scholarship offers keen insights into how we might move toward more mature and responsible evaluations of the Founders. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: It's Even Worse Than It Looks Thomas E. Mann, Norman J. Ornstein, 2016-04-05 Acrimony and hyperpartisanship have seeped into every part of the political process. Congress is deadlocked and its approval ratings are at record lows. America's two main political parties have given up their traditions of compromise, endangering our very system of constitutional democracy. And one of these parties has taken on the role of insurgent outlier; the Republicans have become ideologically extreme, scornful of compromise, and ardently opposed to the established social and economic policy regime.In It's Even Worse Than It Looks, congressional scholars Thomas Mann and Norman Ornstein identify two overriding problems that have led Congress -- and the United States -- to the brink of institutional collapse. The first is the serious mismatch between our political parties, which have become as vehemently adversarial as parliamentary parties, and a governing system that, unlike a parliamentary democracy, makes it extremely difficult for majorities to act. Second, while both parties participate in tribal warfare, both sides are not equally culpable. The political system faces what the authors call &asymmetric polarization, with the Republican Party implacably refusing to allow anything that might help the Democrats politically, no matter the cost.With dysfunction rooted in long-term political trends, a coarsened political culture and a new partisan media, the authors conclude that there is no &silver bullet; reform that can solve everything. But they offer a panoply of useful ideas and reforms, endorsing some solutions, like greater public participation and institutional restructuring of the House and Senate, while debunking others, like independent or third-party candidates. Above all, they call on the media as well as the public at large to focus on the true causes of dysfunction rather than just throwing the bums out every election cycle. Until voters learn to act strategically to reward problem solving and punish obstruction, American democracy will remain in serious danger. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: The Citizen's Share Joseph R. Blasi, Richard B. Freeman, Douglas L. Kruse, 2013-11-26 In the largest study of profit-sharing and employee ownership in years, Joseph R. Blasi, Richard B. Freeman and Douglas L. Kruse investigated dozens of large- and medium-sized companies across all sectors of the United States' economy. The ten-year effort involved nearly 50,000 employees, and the findings were unequivocal: when rank-and-file employees - not just top executives - are given an ownership stake in their company, the result is better worker engagement, more loyalty, more innovation, and drastically lower turnover. The common notion that profit sharing creates a free rider mentality among workers proves totally unfounded. In The Citizen's Share, Blasi, Freeman and Kruse argue that the concept of employee ownership has deep roots extending back to the political and economic vision of America's founders. Thomas Jefferson, for example, conceived of the Louisiana Purchase as a path that would lead to widespread economic independence through individual land ownership. The authors discuss the founding generation's seminal ideas about personal economic independence, explain how we have strayed from those ideas, and propose practical solutions for bringing employment practices back in line with the nation's founding principles. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: Liberalism and American Constitutional Law Rogers M. Smith, 1985 'A major work in the field of American political and legal philosophy. Smith analyzes the liberal goals of the framers of the Constitution and the weaknesses of their political thought...This book will undoubtedly be the focus of debate in scholarly and legal circles for years to come...It is a work of grand scholarship.' -Thomas A. Karel, Law Books in Review |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: Principled Action James D. Best, 2012-03 Prior to 1776, world history was primarily written about kings and emperors. The American experiment shook the world. Not only did the colonies break away from the biggest and most powerful empire in history, but they also took the musings of the brightest thinkers of the Enlightenment and implemented them. The founding of the United States was simultaneously an armed rebellion against tyranny and a revolution of ideas -- ideas that changed the course of world history. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: The Presidency and the Political System Michael Nelson, 2018-03-08 Written by top-notch presidency scholars and carefully edited into a text-reader format, The Presidency and the Political System, Eleventh Edition showcases a collection of original essays focused on a range of topics, institutions, and issues relevant to understanding the American presidency. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: The American Debate over Slavery, 1760–1865: An Anthology of Sources Scott J. Hammond, Kevin R. Hardwick, Howard Lubert, 2016-11-07 The American Debate over Slavery, 1760–1865 will be a superb resource for teachers and students of early American history. Editors Lubert, Hardwick, and Hammond have carefully assembled and introduced a rich collection of significant documents that bring the slavery debate into sharp and illuminating focus. This is easily the best book in its field. --Peter S. Onuf, University of Virginia and Thomas Jefferson Foundation (Monticello) |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: Keeping the Republic Dennis Hale, Marc Landy, 2024-04-04 Keeping the Republic is an eloquent defense of the American constitutional order and a response to its critics, including those who are estranged from the very idea of a fixed constitution in which “the living are governed by the dead.” Dennis Hale and Marc Landy take seriously the criticisms of the United States Constitution. Before mounting their argument, they present an intellectual history of the key critics, including Thomas Paine, William Lloyd Garrison, Henry David Thoreau, Woodrow Wilson, Robert Dahl, Sanford Levinson, and the authors of The 1619 Project. Why, they ask, if the constitutional order is so well designed, do so many American citizens have a negative view of the American political order? To address that question, they examine the most crucial episodes in American political development from the Founding to the present. Hale and Landy frame their defense of the Constitution by understanding America in terms of modernity, where small republics are no longer possible and there is a need to protect the citizens of a massive modern state while still preserving liberty. The Constitution makes large, popular government possible by placing effective limits on the exercise of power. The Constitution forces the people to be governed by the dead, both to pay the debt we owe to those who came before us and to preserve society for generations yet unborn. The central argument of Keeping the Republic is that the Constitution provides for a free government because it places effective limits on the exercise of power—an essential ingredient of any good government, even one that aims to be a popular government. That the people should rule is a given among republicans; that the people can do anything they want is a proposition that no one could accept with their eyes wide open. Thus, the limits that the Constitution places on American political life are not a problem, but a solution to a problem. Hale and Landy offer both a survey of American anti-constitutionalism and a powerful argument for maintaining the constitutional order of the nation’s Framers. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: America's Forgotten Founders, second edition Gary L. Gregg, Mark David Hall, 2023-05-30 Beyond Washington and Jefferson: Ranking the Founders. Even as Americans devour books about our Founding Fathers, the focus seldom extends past a half dozen or so icons—Franklin, Washington, Adams, Jefferson, Madison, Hamilton. Many of the men (and women) who made prodigious contributions to the American founding have been all but forgotten. America's Forgotten Founders corrects this injustice. Editors Gary L. Gregg II and Mark David Hall surveyed forty-five top scholars in history, political science, and law to produce the first-ever ranking of the most neglected contributors to the American Revolution and our constitutional order. This unique book features engaging short biographies of the top ten most important Founders whose contributions are overlooked today: James Wilson, George Mason, Gouverneur Morris, John Jay, Roger Sherman, John Marshall, John Dickinson, Thomas Paine, Patrick Henry, and John Witherspoon. Part of the Lives of the Founders series, America's Forgotten Founders reshapes our understanding of America's founding generation. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: The Interpretable Constitution William F. Harris, 1993 In The Interpretable Constitution William F. Harris II examines three feature of American constitutionalism that are usually taken for granted: the Constitution's authoritativeness, its written character, and its consequent readability. Drawing on recent work in literary as well as constitutional theory, Harris aims to change the very contour and character of debate on constitutional meaning. A central insight of Harris's work is his view of American politics as consisting of two texts - the familiar Constitution itself and the working polity that it signifies. Embracing both of these texts, Harris offers a rigorous methodology for interpreting each in light of the other. He also attempts to offer a middle ground between the two extremes of strict constructionism, on the one hand, and historicism (the notion that each generation interprets the Constitution anew), on the other. In the process, he describes the ways in which the written Constitution and the working polity mutually limit and transform each other. The central idea, Harris writes in his introduction, is that the systematic interpretability of the Constitution is essential to its bindingness as law. The converse is that ad hoc interpretations or the random taking up of convenient interpretive techniques fundamentally undermines the constitutional order.--BOOK JACKET.Title Summary field provided by Blackwell North America, Inc. All Rights Reserved |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: Three Frames of Modern Politics Daniel J. McCool, 2018-09-08 This book examines the centrality of personality in political discourse since the Enlightenment. It considers the theory known as the “politics of authenticity,” its counter-discourses, and the ways in which it has degraded or enriched our collective political life. Using three models of politics to understand our current political predicaments—the politics of authenticity, politics of theatricality, and institutional politics—this volume argues that we need to envision a politics based on the best parts of each model: one that incorporates the ability for the oppressed to speak outside the institutional mechanisms of government. With the continuing erosion of public faith in political institutions, we have instead been left with the most troubling aspects of both authentic and theatrical politics. By exploring recent events and trends in American politics, this book ultimately makes a normative case that we need to balance demands for authenticity in our political actors with the equally necessary political values of deliberative institutions, processes, and decorum. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: The Social Contract in the Ruins Paul R. DeHart, 2024-07-08 Most scholars who write on social contract and classical natural law perceive an irreconcilable tension between them. Social contract theory is widely considered the political-theoretic concomitant of modern philosophy. Against the regnant view, The Social Contract in the Ruins, argues that all attempts to ground political authority and obligation in agreement alone are logically self-defeating. Political authority and obligation require an antecedent moral ground. But this moral ground cannot be constructed by human agreement or created by sheer will—human or divine. All accounts of morality as constructed or made collapse into self-referential incoherence. Only an uncreated, real good can coherently ground political authority and obligation or the proposition that rightful government depends on the consent of the governed. Government by consent requires classical natural law for its very coherence. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: Dictatorship Carl Schmitt, 2015-01-28 Now available in English for the first time, Dictatorship is Carl Schmitt’s most scholarly book and arguably a paradigm for his entire work. Written shortly after the Russian Revolution and the First World War, Schmitt analyses the problem of the state of emergency and the power of the Reichspräsident in declaring it. Dictatorship, Schmitt argues, is a necessary legal institution in constitutional law and has been wrongly portrayed as just the arbitrary rule of a so-called dictator. Dictatorship is an essential book for understanding the work of Carl Schmitt and a major contribution to the modern theory of a democratic, constitutional state. And despite being written in the early part of the twentieth century, it speaks with remarkable prescience to our contemporary political concerns. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: Campaigning for President in America, 1788–2016 Scott John Hammond, Robert North Roberts, Valerie A. Sulfaro, 2016-04-25 What does it take to get elected president of the United States—leader of the free world? This book gives readers insight into the major issues and events surrounding American presidential elections across more than two centuries, from the earliest years of the Republic through the campaigns of the 21st century. The race for the presidency encapsulates the broader changes in American democratic culture. This book provides insight into the major issues and events surrounding American presidential elections across more than two centuries, from the earliest years of the Republic through the campaigns of the 21st century. Readers will be able to see and understand how presidential campaigns have evolved over time, and how and why the current state of campaigning for president came into being. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: Just American Wars Eric Patterson, 2018-10-11 This book examines the moral choices faced by U.S. political and military leaders in deciding when and how to employ force, from the American Revolution to the present day. Specifically, the book looks at discrete ethical dilemmas in various American conflicts from a just war perspective. For example, was the casus belli of the American Revolution just, and more specifically, was the Continental Congress a legitimate political authority? Was it just for Truman to drop the atomic bomb on Japan? How much of a role did the egos of Kennedy, Johnson and Nixon play in prolonging the Vietnam War? Often there are trade-offs that civilian and military leaders must take into account, such as General Scott’s 1847 decision to bombard the city of Veracruz in order to quickly move his troops off the malarial Mexican coast. The book also considers the moral significance and policy practicalities of different motives and courses of action. The case studies provided highlight the nuances and even limits of just war principles, such as just cause, right intention, legitimate authority, last resort, likelihood of success, discrimination, and proportionality, and principles for ending war such as order, justice, and conciliation. This book will be of interest for students of just war theory, ethics, philosophy, American history and military history more generally. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: Conventional Wisdom John R. Vile, 2016 Vile surveys more than two centuries of scholarship on Article V and concludes that the weight of the evidence indicates that states and Congress have the legal right to limit the scope of such conventions to a single subject and that political considerations would make a runaway convention unlikely. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: Machiavelli's Gospel William B. Parsons, 2016 The leading interpretations of The Prince focus on Machiavelli's historical context, but they give little attention to the source on which the moral and political thought of Machiavelli's sixteenth century was based, the Christian Bible. In this study of The Prince, William Parsons plumbs Machiavelli's allusions to the Bible, along with his statements on the Church, and shows that Machiavelli was a careful reader of the Bible and an astute observer of the Church. On this basis Parsons contends that Machiavelli's teaching in The Prince is instructively compared with that of the Church's teacher, Jesus Christ. Parsons thus undertakes what recent interpreters of The Prince have not done: contrast Machiavelli's advice with the teaching of Christ. The result is a new reading of The Prince, revealing in Machiavelli's political thought a systematic critique of the New Testament and its model for human life, Christ. In this commentary on one of the greatest works on politics ever written, Parsons not only challenges the most recent interpretations of The Prince but also sheds new light on the classic interpretation that Machiavelli was a teacher of immorality. William Parsons is associate professor of political science at Carroll College. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: Reason and History in Judicial Judgment Richard Stevens, 2017-07-05 Stevens sees three crises in American judicial statesmanship. The first was the crisis of the founding. The well being of the country was subjected to grave danger, culminating in the crisis of the Civil War, and a refoundation was required. During the mid twentieth century, the United States faced the possibility of destruction, World War II and, the finding of malfeasance of the nation in the office of the president. The constant excitement of contest with antagonists makes it difficult to say whether the current crisis of the Supreme Court is merely a continuation or a whole new problem.The political leaders who resolved the first crisis and founded the Republic bequeathed as a part of that foundation the United States Supreme Court. During the subsequent history of the country, and with respect to its crises, the Court played a large part. Whether or not it does so well in the current period depends upon the quality of its judicial statesmanship. The judge is a person who acts. But it is considered action and considered action is based on prior understanding. The character of the Court's understanding, or direction, reveales itself in the course of its division over the application of the due process clause to state criminal proceedings.Frankfurter's view is problematic. If Western civilization is to be preserved, it must be because it is worth preserving. If it is worth preserving it must be because it is good. If so, can it be preserved by reliance upon and reference to itself, or must reliance not be placed upon that by virtue of which the thing to be preserved is worthy of preservation? This problem is not new to Western civilization. Much has been written about Frankfurter, and common descriptions of the terms restraint and pragmatism to characterize his doctrines. Previous treatments of these doctrines now available have not seemed adequate. The intention of Reason and History in Judicial Judgment is to treat them as ethical problems rather than as self-explaining conclusions. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: The Jury in America Dennis Hale, 2016-02-09 The jury trial is one of the formative elements of American government, vitally important even when Americans were still colonial subjects of Great Britain. When the founding generation enshrined the jury in the Constitution and Bill of Rights, they were not inventing something new, but protecting something old: one of the traditional and essential rights of all free men. Judgment by an “impartial jury” would henceforth put citizen panels at the very heart of the American legal order. And yet at the dawn of the 21st century, juries resolve just two percent of the nation’s legal cases and critics warn that the jury is “vanishing” from both the criminal and civil courts. The jury’s critics point to sensational jury trials like those in the O. J. Simpson and Menendez cases, and conclude that the disappearance of the jury is no great loss. The jury’s defenders, from journeyman trial lawyers to members of the Supreme Court, take a different view, warning that the disappearance of the jury trial would be a profound loss. In The Jury in America, a work that deftly combines legal history, political analysis, and storytelling, Dennis Hale takes us to the very heart of this debate to show us what the American jury system was, what it has become, and what the changes in the jury system tell us about our common political and civic life. Because the jury is so old, continuously present in the life of the American republic, it can act as a mirror, reflecting the changes going on around it. And yet because the jury is embedded in the Constitution, it has held on to its original shape more stubbornly than almost any other element in the American regime. Looking back to juries at the time of America's founding, and forward to the fraught and diminished juries of our day, Hale traces a transformation in our understanding of ideas about sedition, race relations, negligence, expertise, the responsibilities of citizenship, and what it means to be a citizen who is “good and true” and therefore suited to the difficult tasks of judgment. Criminal and civil trials and the jury decisions that result from them involve the most fundamental questions of right, and so go to the core of what makes the nation what it is. In this light, in conclusion, Hale considers four controversial modern trials for what they can tell us about what a jury is, and about the fate of republican government in America today. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: Real Americans Jared A. Goldstein, 2022-02-05 On January 6, 2021, white supremacists, Christian nationalists, and other supporters of President Donald Trump stormed the US Capitol in an attempt to overturn the results of the 2020 presidential election. The insurrection was widely denounced as an attack on the Constitution, and the subsequent impeachment trial was framed as a defense of constitutional government. What received little attention is that the January 6 insurrectionists themselves justified the violence they perpetrated as a defense of the Constitution; after battling the Capitol police and breaking doors and windows, the mob marched inside, chanting “Defend your liberty, defend the Constitution.” In Real Americans: National Identity, Violence, and the Constitution Jared A. Goldstein boldly challenges the conventional wisdom that a shared devotion to the Constitution is the essence of what it means to be American. In his careful analysis of US history, Goldstein demonstrates the well-established pattern of movements devoted to defending the power of dominant racial, ethnic, and religious groups that deploy the rhetoric of constitutional devotion to express their national visions and justify their violence. Goldstein describes this as constitutional nationalism, an ideology that defines being an American as standing with, and by, the Constitution. This history includes the Ku Klux Klan’s self-declared mission to “protect and defend the Constitution of the United States,” which served to justify its campaign of violence in the 1860s and 1870s to prevent Black people from exercising the right to vote; Protestant Americans who felt threatened by the growing population of Catholics and Jews and organized mass movements to defend their status and power by declaring that the Constitution was made for a Protestant nation; native-born Americans who resisted the rising population of immigrants and who mobilized to exclude the newcomers and their alien ideas; corporate leaders arguing that regulation is unconstitutional and un-American; and Timothy McVeigh, who believed he was defending the Constitution by killing 168 people with a truck bomb. Real Americans: National Identity, Violence, and the Constitution reveals how the Constitution as the central embodiment and common ground of American identity has long been used to promote conflicting versions of American identity and to justify hatred, violence, and exclusion. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: The Democracy That Never Was Gary Teeple, 2025-02-28 Liberal democracy is usually treated as an independent variable, as possessing the absolutes of democratic rule. Its variable forms, changing principles and practice, and conscious destruction by its own advocates, in particular the United States, however, suggest that it is not what it appears to be. This book argues that it is a dependent variable, the political form required by the changing configurations of national capital and their countervailing forces. The forms of liberal democracy have always shifted in concert with the mode of production as their premise. The absolutes of liberal democracy, the author contends, have never been anything but the abstracted principles of the marketplace. Their nature has now become especially visible for what they have been because the premise as national capital development has changed, leaving liberal democracy as a form without its original content, and its present content out of keeping with a national jurisdiction. As a political form, it persists, but its role has been transformed from the regulation of national capital accumulation to the enforcer of the demands of global configurations of capital. It is a role that its citizens implicitly understand, as revealed in widespread political cynicism, decreasing electoral participation, and declining legitimacy that require ever greater measures of deceit from political leaders and increased means of coercive social control, including militarized police forces and pervasive electronic surveillance. There can be no going back to the stage of national politics because the neoliberal content of liberal democratic policies represents the necessities of global capital. And it is the contradictions of global capital that define the character of early 21st century political conflict. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: Christianity, Politics, and the Predicament of Evil Bradley B. Burroughs, 2019-06-04 Reconceiving politics in a theological framework, Christianity, Politics, and the Predicament of Evil argues for a constructive ethic that affirms both soulcraft and statecraft as essential elements of Christians’ political vocation and specifies the appropriate terms of their relationship. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: African Americans and the Presidents F. Erik Brooks, Glenn L. Starks, 2019-04-18 The president is arguably the most recognized and powerful individual in the United States. This reference work explores the American presidency in relation to issues of race concerning the African American community. This work provides a contemporary and refreshing examination of the American presidency through the prism of race and race relations in America, revealing a long and complicated relationship between the U.S. presidency and the African American community. The book evaluates each of the forty-five American presidents' policies, cabinet appointments, and handling of race matters in the United States. Following an extensive timeline, chronological chapters take an incisive look at each American president's life and career as well as the policies enacted during his presidency that affected the African American community. The presidents' personal writings, memoirs, autobiographies, and biographies frame their views on the issue of race and how they dealt with it before, during, and after their presidency. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: The Cambridge Companion to Liberalism Steven Wall, 2015-02-19 An expert survey of liberal approaches and liberal responses to diverse topics and controversies in contemporary political thought and practice. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: The Jacksonian and Antebellum Eras John R. Vile, 2016-11-14 Including documents from the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government as well as sentiments expressed by opinion leaders of the day, this book provides concisely edited primary sources that cover the Jackson period from March 1829 through the inauguration of Abraham Lincoln. The presidency of Andrew Jackson is typically associated with the American expansionism that furthered our democracy, but often at a high cost to Native American cultures. Could similar outcomes have been achieved differently? Historians debate whether the Civil War could have been avoided, why attempts to avert war failed, and which individuals had the greatest potential ability to divert the nation's path away from violent conflict. This book examines these historical questions regarding the unfolding of American history through an introduction to carefully edited primary documents relevant to the period, from the inauguration of President Andrew Jackson through that of Abraham Lincoln. These documents include not only major state papers from the legislative, executive, and judicial branches, but also primary sources that directly communicate the concerns of African Americans, women, and Native Americans of the period. Important themes include the rising controversy over slavery, American expansionism, and attempts to avert crises through compromise. High school and college students and patrons of public libraries seeking to better understand American history will profit from the introductions and annotations that accompany the primary documents in this book—invaluable resources that put the information into context and explain terms and language that have become outdated. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: The Declaration of Independence John R. Vile, 2018-11-26 This A-to-Z encyclopedia surveys the history, meaning, and enduring impact of the Declaration of Independence by explaining its contents and concepts, profiling the Founding Fathers, and detailing depictions of the Declaration in art, music, and literature. A comprehensive resource for understanding all aspects of the Declaration of Independence, which marked the formal beginning of the colonies' march toward the creation of the United States of America, this encyclopedia contains more than 200 entries examining various facets of the Declaration of Independence and its enduring impact on American law, politics, and culture. It details key concepts, principles, and intellectual influences that informed the creation of the document, reviews charges leveled in the Declaration against the British crown, summarizes the events of the first and second Continental Congresses, profiles influential architects and signers of the Declaration, discusses existing copies of the Declaration, explains the document's influence on other governments/nations, covers historic sites related to the document, and discusses depictions of the document and its architects in American art, music, and literature over time. |
| classics of american political and constitutional thought: The American Colonization Society John Seh David, 2014-06-18 Most historical narratives about Africans in America begin with Jamestown, Virginia, where enslaved Angolans were sold in 1619. However, this book commences with blacks as explorers in the Americas before Christopher Columbus arrival. The point here is to demonstrate that slavery robbed Africa of its heritage and impoverished the continent. Once Africans landed in America as slaves, state laws denied them civil rights and humane treatment. The hopelessness, brutalization, and alienation of blacks aroused the conscientiousness of humanitarian groups to seek the repatriation of freed men to their ancestry homeland in Africa, away from Anglo Americans. This became a risky rescue mission, which put the ACS in direct opposition with anti-colonizationists. This book highlights the complicity of the precarious endeavor and the founding of the first African Republic on the continent. |
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